Egypt Today – The Way to Peace

Ambassador Mohamed El-Orabi is Head of Congress Party, Egypt, and a former Egyptian Minister for Foreign Affairs. As Assistant Minister for Multi-Lateral Economic Affairs, from September 2008 until January 2011, Ambassador El-Orabi has intimate knowledge of Egyptian politics as unrest upset community and social relations within the nation over the past two years. Ambassador El-Orabi has also held senior diplomatic postings for Egypt in Germany, Israel and the United States. On a visit to Sydney as guest of the Australian Egyptian Forum Council, Ambassador El-Orabi has accepted an invitation to address The Sydney Institute on Thursday 10 October 2013.

EGYPT TODAY – THE WAY TO PEACE 

MOHAMED EL-ORABI

Ever since the revolution of Egypt in 2011, which is usually labelled a part of the Arab spring or Arab awakening, I have been asked why this awakening took place at this time.

A country like Egypt, unique in every sense of the word, one of the world’s first civilisations, that built the great Pyramids and other wonders that shine with scientific and spiritual wonders, a country like this should not be sleeping in the twenty-first century. It would have been an historical inconsistency had will of the Egyptians remained shackled until now and had our youth remained deprived from the right to form their own future.

When Egyptians took to the streets in January 2011, they were telling the world we dream for our future, and we want our dream to come true. Their dream was simple, to have a modern state where they could exercise their rights and let their children have freedom, dignity and social justice.

When the very same Egyptians felt that they were losing their dream, for which lives were lost and blood was shed, they took to the streets again in June 2013, showing the world that the will of the people cannot be broken. And it is the people that grant authority, and it is the people who can remove it from those who abuse it.

Over the last three years, young Egyptians have managed to remove two presidents and two prime ministers from office. Young Egyptians have been behind all major changes in Egypt. With almost 35 per cent of the population among the age bracket 15-25 years and with 20 per cent unemployment among this category, change was inevitable.

The Egyptian military intervened in both 2011 and 2013 upheavals. In both cases the army removed the president under huge popular demand. In 2011, when Egyptians declared that they could no longer tolerate the Mubarak regime, the military took the side of the people and supported the revolution. In 2011, the army actually ruled the country in transition till delivering it to an elected leadership. In 2012, when Egyptians went to the polls and declared what administration they wanted, the military took the side of the people and handed over the power to the elected Mursi regime.

In 2013, when the Egyptian masses took to the streets by more than 33 million demonstrators, declaring once again they would not tolerate a regime, even though it was democratically elected, that that did not respect the human rights of most segments of its society, discriminated against women, Copts, Catholics, Protestants, Shia Muslims, liberal moderate Muslims, artists… and many other groups, along with the military, took the side of the people and supported their legitimate demand

The underlying motivations behind the Arab Awakening as a whole could be listed as:

• A deep sense of anger, despair, and disappointment with despotic rulers
• A demand for meaningful governance that decently represents the people, a demand to consider people citizens rather the subjects
• A demand for a better life, a more assuring future, job opportunities and a life with dignity
• A demand for better freedoms and respect

After the revolution of 2011 took place three centres of influence emerged in Egypt. First, the Military establishment that was trying its best to prevent the state from dissolving while maintaining their own deep rooted coherence and distinctions. Second, the Islamists that thought that heaven finally gave them what they deserve which is ruling Egypt and changing its identity to their beliefs. And third, in a big spectrum which included revolutionary movements aspiring and yearning for real change, rightists and leftists, the real force came from the youth.

Alternating alliances and conflicts among the three players made changes happen. When the Muslim Brotherhood came to power through democratic elections, people were hopeful that the new regime would contain all Egyptians, emphasize freedoms of all sorts, preserve human rights, and put immediate plans to face economic problems. What the new regime did, over a whole year was totally the opposite.

Policies of exclusions were implemented immediately, Shia Muslims were slain in broad daylight as the enemies of religion. Christians were subjected to kidnappings, killings, and church burnings while the voice of the government was unheard.

Economically, the country witnessed major electricity power cuts, soaring levels of unemployment and inflation. Women were totally marginalised, the judiciary was persecuted, artists and intellectuals were ridiculed, and it became increasingly evident that the new regime was trying to change the identity of Egypt.

Simply, Egyptians felt that their country had been kidnapped and it needed to be freed again. Most dangerously, Mursi issued presidential decrees to pardon some of the most dangerous terrorists and murderers, who were released from prisons and directed to settle in the Sinai, where they allied themselves with Al Qaeda, and other terrorist organisations. They had one aim, to establish a parallel army based on fanatical fighters, with whom the Egyptian army is now at war, a real war against terror.

The choice in Egypt was simple. Egyptians did not revolt to replace dictatorship with a theocracy. They did not revolt to replace despotic civilian rule with despotic religious rule.

The youth movements will accept nothing less than a decent, civilian representative system that respects the multidimensional character of Egypt.

After the ousting of Mursi, the Muslim Brothers tried to tell the world that Egypt was experiencing a war between Islam and enemies of Islam. In other instances they claimed it was a war between the military and democracy. The reality is like the joke that is very popular in Egypt now. The joke goes that the Muslim Brotherhood claims that all Egyptians are on their side, except for the army, police, intellectuals, media, judiciary, students, woman, Christians, Shia, artists, farmers, workers, and a few other segments.

The current situation in Egypt is not a crisis between two camps that cannot communicate with each other and are in need of a foreign mediator as the Muslim Brothers propagate. It is instead a case of a state asserting authority and order over its territory. The violence in the Sinai is an example of the real situation.

Throughout the Islamic world there is a raging fight between two camps; fanatic radicals who are willing to destroy themselves to inflict damage on others and modernist Muslims.

The latter must be supported and helped to win. Egypt had this battle before and won and is certain to win again now.

Radicals believe that their time has come to enforce the supremacy of their distorted, extremist understanding of Islam. We trust that the international community realises that this kind of fanaticism is not only dangerous within Muslim countries, but also dangerous to mankind. It should not be supported in any shape or form.

Egyptians have the right to fulfil the vision of the road map adopted since the 3 July, which includes building institutions for a democratic state. All Egyptians are welcome to participate in all phases of the political process, as long as they are committed to dropping all ideas of violence, terrorism, and incitement. The challenge facing Egypt today is to implement the road map, starting with amending the constitution, followed by free and fair parliamentary and presidential elections. But, in order to fully implement the road map, safety and security for all Egyptians has to be enforced. The road map will be completed by early 2014

The democratic process in Egypt will never be dictated from outside. Only forces within Egypt, through a clear political and legal framework with tangible guarantees, will achieve it.

The model Egypt is offering has to be a purely Egyptian model, albeit totally compatible with the international values of the age we live in. The focus now is writing a constitution that keeps Egypt’s identity, and preserves every right for every Egyptian, regardless of race, religion, gender, or sect.

I am honoured to be a substitute member of the committee entrusted to write Egypt’s constitution for its very promising future. My fellow Egyptians have confidence that they will succeed in imposing the majority’s will, and put an end to terrorism, discrimination, fanaticism, extremism, culture of hate and intolerance.